Bernie Moreno to Democrats: Take the Deal or Own the Healthcare Crisis

Paul Riverbank, 1/29/2026Bernie Moreno draws a line: shrinking health subsidies, tough choices, families face higher coverage costs.

This uncertainty has landed squarely on the desk of Senator Bernie Moreno. The Ohio Republican, who has emerged as a pivotal player in health policy talks, clearly feels the pressure. Earlier in the week, he leveled with reporters: any deal would be “the best and final offer.” In practice, what he's put forward amounts to a kind of triage for the health law. His pitch is to revive the enhanced subsidies—but not for long. Just a single year’s extension, and even that would come with limits.

His proposal draws a line: households earning over 700 percent of the federal poverty threshold (think roughly $105,000 for a single adult, and more for families) would no longer qualify for the extra help. Moreno bluntly calls this common sense. “We shouldn't be giving taxpayer aid to people pulling in six figures,” he said, a sentiment that’s likely to resonate on both sides of the aisle.

Yet the plan doesn’t stop there. Perhaps with an eye on headlines about alleged scams, Moreno insists that everyone receiving a subsidized plan will have to pay at least five dollars monthly—no more zero-dollar coverage, even for the lowest earners. State compliance with abortion funding restrictions would face periodic audits, and the ban on subsidies for undocumented immigrants would remain ironclad.

For Moreno, these aren’t starting points for negotiation. They’re the finish line—the furthest his caucus will go. “What I am presenting today is the best case scenario of what they would accept," he told reporters, making clear this isn’t just posturing.

But numbers only tell part of the story. Take California—one couple with two kids, earning around $90,000, now faces an annual premium jump of over $3,400. Their monthly bill went from $414 a month to almost $700. That's not a minor inconvenience; that’s a fundamental change in their household economics. Early retirees, freelancers, families who fall into the cracks between employer plans and public safety nets—they’re the ones getting squeezed hardest.

State officials, like Jessica Altman of Covered California, have spent recent weeks sounding alarm bells. She points out that while 92 percent of marketplace enrollees in California still get some help, the risk is real: as premiums rise, some people will walk away from coverage altogether. California, to its credit, poured nearly $200 million of its own budget into additional aid for the lowest-income families this year, but the gap remains.

For Moreno and those backing him, containing fraud—real or perceived—is as important as helping struggling families. Their blueprint proposes strict oversight and real consequences for states that fall out of compliance on abortion funding, a reminder that ideological divides still run deep, even in an ostensibly fiscal debate.

Across the aisle, Senator Angus King, the Maine independent who often aligns with Democrats, struck an optimistic note: “I think we’re very close. We have a solid bipartisan group, and hopefully we can move the bill once we get through this budget situation.” The subtext is clear: everyone knows what’s at stake, and few relish the prospect of another standoff.

But while the political horse-trading continues, the bigger question looms: what happens if nothing passes? Healthcare costs in the U.S. have a well-documented tendency to rise, outstripping inflation and, for many, outpacing wage growth. The average American health tab now hovers above $15,000 per year per person—a staggering one-fifth of the overall economy is tied up in healthcare.

For the self-employed graphic designer in Nevada or the small business owner in Kentucky, there isn’t a friendly H.R. department to soften the blow. If Washington can’t break its logjam, the next insurance bill could tip their budget from “tight” to “unworkable.”

Congress faces a test in the coming weeks: whether it can close the gap for those most at risk, or whether this issue will become yet another casualty of political gridlock. Those watching from the outside, caught between policy talk and the price of their next doctor’s visit, don’t have the luxury to wait for perfect solutions. They need relief—now, not someday.

Across the country, Americans who rely on the health insurance marketplace are waking up to a new reality—one most never hoped to face. What once felt like a temporary buffer against the high cost of premiums, pandemic-era subsidies, has simply vanished. For some households out West, particularly in California, the difference isn’t just symbolic: it’s several thousand dollars less in the family budget each year. Where a premium used to feel manageable, now it’s become a source of serious uncertainty. For some, that means teetering on the edge, wondering whether insurance is even still worth it.This uncertainty has landed squarely on the desk of Senator Bernie Moreno. The Ohio Republican, who has emerged as a pivotal player in health policy talks, clearly feels the pressure. Earlier in the week, he leveled with reporters: any deal would be “the best and final offer.” In practice, what he's put forward amounts to a kind of triage for the health law. His pitch is to revive the enhanced subsidies—but not for long. Just a single year’s extension, and even that would come with limits.His proposal draws a line: households earning over 700 percent of the federal poverty threshold (think roughly $105,000 for a single adult, and more for families) would no longer qualify for the extra help. Moreno bluntly calls this common sense. “We shouldn't be giving taxpayer aid to people pulling in six figures,” he said, a sentiment that’s likely to resonate on both sides of the aisle.Yet the plan doesn’t stop there. Perhaps with an eye on headlines about alleged scams, Moreno insists that everyone receiving a subsidized plan will have to pay at least five dollars monthly—no more zero-dollar coverage, even for the lowest earners. State compliance with abortion funding restrictions would face periodic audits, and the ban on subsidies for undocumented immigrants would remain ironclad.For Moreno, these aren’t starting points for negotiation. They’re the finish line—the furthest his caucus will go. “What I am presenting today is the best case scenario of what they would accept," he told reporters, making clear this isn’t just posturing.But numbers only tell part of the story. Take California—one couple with two kids, earning around $90,000, now faces an annual premium jump of over $3,400. Their monthly bill went from $414 a month to almost $700. That's not a minor inconvenience; that’s a fundamental change in their household economics. Early retirees, freelancers, families who fall into the cracks between employer plans and public safety nets—they’re the ones getting squeezed hardest.State officials, like Jessica Altman of Covered California, have spent recent weeks sounding alarm bells. She points out that while 92 percent of marketplace enrollees in California still get some help, the risk is real: as premiums rise, some people will walk away from coverage altogether. California, to its credit, poured nearly $200 million of its own budget into additional aid for the lowest-income families this year, but the gap remains.For Moreno and those backing him, containing fraud—real or perceived—is as important as helping struggling families. Their blueprint proposes strict oversight and real consequences for states that fall out of compliance on abortion funding, a reminder that ideological divides still run deep, even in an ostensibly fiscal debate.Across the aisle, Senator Angus King, the Maine independent who often aligns with Democrats, struck an optimistic note: “I think we’re very close. We have a solid bipartisan group, and hopefully we can move the bill once we get through this budget situation.” The subtext is clear: everyone knows what’s at stake, and few relish the prospect of another standoff.But while the political horse-trading continues, the bigger question looms: what happens if nothing passes? Healthcare costs in the U.S. have a well-documented tendency to rise, outstripping inflation and, for many, outpacing wage growth. The average American health tab now hovers above $15,000 per year per person—a staggering one-fifth of the overall economy is tied up in healthcare.For the self-employed graphic designer in Nevada or the small business owner in Kentucky, there isn’t a friendly H.R. department to soften the blow. If Washington can’t break its logjam, the next insurance bill could tip their budget from “tight” to “unworkable.”Congress faces a test in the coming weeks: whether it can close the gap for those most at risk, or whether this issue will become yet another casualty of political gridlock. Those watching from the outside, caught between policy talk and the price of their next doctor’s visit, don’t have the luxury to wait for perfect solutions. They need relief—now, not someday.