Blakeman vs. Stefanik: GOP Firestorm Ignites New York Governor Race

Paul Riverbank, 12/10/2025GOP primary heats up as Blakeman and Stefanik battle for New York governor—and party revival.

His entrance into the race adds a fresh twist to an already unpredictable field. Blakeman, whose Nassau County roots run deep, will square off against Elise Stefanik—a House Republican recognized far beyond her northern New York district. In Washington, Stefanik is a regular presence, earning her stripes as a sharp partisan combatant and, in recent years, a loyal Trump ally. Now, with both candidates angling for the governor’s mansion, New York Republicans are bracing for a contest so lively that it might actually break through the blue wall that’s surrounded Albany since the Pataki years.

Let’s be clear: Blakeman’s style isn’t for everyone, but it plays well in the suburbs. He’s built his reputation railing against what he calls “city liberalism” encroaching out toward Long Island. Locally, he scored points outlawing transgender athletes from using county sports fields—controversial, perhaps, but cheered by many in the county GOP. He championed a volunteer “public safety team,” which critics dismiss as little more than a taxpayer-sanctioned militia, and pushed for Nassau detectives to enforce federal immigration policy even as New York City went the other way. Then, there was the face mask law—no masks in public, with rare exceptions—a policy unveiled amid fiery protests and met with legal headaches, but a clear political statement in itself.

It’s true, when it comes to Nassau, Blakeman knows how to win: he secured a second term as county executive handily. But those arena lights don’t always travel. At higher office, his record is, frankly, bumpy. Hochul’s camp wasted no time with their shot: “Blakeman’s lost just about every race he’s touched,” one aide said. “There’s a reason for that.” The criticism stung with a comparison tying him to Trump—another politician who, as they framed it, “squeezes working families.”

Stefanik, meanwhile, brushed off Blakeman as a “weak candidate,” framing his campaign as a gift to Democrats. Her team claims he once cozied up to “corrupt Far Left Democrats”—an attack line aimed less at persuading progressives than neutralizing Republican doubts in the party’s restive base.

On the ground in Nassau, politics can twist in odd directions. It’s one of America’s wealthiest, most diverse counties—Democrats outnumber Republicans in registrations, but Trump still managed a win against Kamala Harris here. Blakeman points to that as proof: suburban stretches like his, he insists, hold the key for Republicans hunting statewide relevance.

Context, of course, matters. Democrats aren’t immune from internal drama. Lt. Governor Antonio Delgado, an uncommonly polished figure, is testing whether patience is running out with Albany’s current crop of leaders. Whether any of these fights upend the heavy Democratic advantage in the voter rolls remains the $64,000 question.

Both Republican contenders claim they can crack the code with moderates—the working families tired of New York’s reputation for taxes, red tape, and headlines about petty crime. Their messaging, in voice if not substance, borrows a good deal from Trump: blunt, kinetic, and hungry for a reaction. Yet beneath the surface, the fight is as much about reclaiming the party’s relevance as it is about actually winning the governor’s office. Since 2006, the GOP has cycled through a lineup of also-rans and longshots, none catching the same flash-in-the-pan spark Pataki discovered.

But perhaps a hotly contested, high-wattage Republican primary is exactly what the party needs. These next few months, with debates over identity, loyalty, and suburban priorities, might just provide a jolt of energy to an electorate all too used to the same old script.

In Long Island delis and Capitol corridors alike, voters are tuning in—not out. The next round of politicking will offer plenty of theater, some flashes of substance, and, just maybe, a real contest for the keys to New York, a state long presumed off-limits for Republicans. In this cycle, at least, that presumption may not hold.

Bruce Blakeman doesn’t just walk into a political room—he tends to announce himself, and last night, that’s pretty much how he kicked off his run for New York governor. There wasn’t much subtlety to his launch: he took to social media with broad shots at Governor Hochul, then landed in the Fox News studio hours later, branding the governor a “failure” and rattling off a familiar campaign trio—prosperity, safety, happiness—as the goods he’d restore to the state.His entrance into the race adds a fresh twist to an already unpredictable field. Blakeman, whose Nassau County roots run deep, will square off against Elise Stefanik—a House Republican recognized far beyond her northern New York district. In Washington, Stefanik is a regular presence, earning her stripes as a sharp partisan combatant and, in recent years, a loyal Trump ally. Now, with both candidates angling for the governor’s mansion, New York Republicans are bracing for a contest so lively that it might actually break through the blue wall that’s surrounded Albany since the Pataki years.Let’s be clear: Blakeman’s style isn’t for everyone, but it plays well in the suburbs. He’s built his reputation railing against what he calls “city liberalism” encroaching out toward Long Island. Locally, he scored points outlawing transgender athletes from using county sports fields—controversial, perhaps, but cheered by many in the county GOP. He championed a volunteer “public safety team,” which critics dismiss as little more than a taxpayer-sanctioned militia, and pushed for Nassau detectives to enforce federal immigration policy even as New York City went the other way. Then, there was the face mask law—no masks in public, with rare exceptions—a policy unveiled amid fiery protests and met with legal headaches, but a clear political statement in itself.It’s true, when it comes to Nassau, Blakeman knows how to win: he secured a second term as county executive handily. But those arena lights don’t always travel. At higher office, his record is, frankly, bumpy. Hochul’s camp wasted no time with their shot: “Blakeman’s lost just about every race he’s touched,” one aide said. “There’s a reason for that.” The criticism stung with a comparison tying him to Trump—another politician who, as they framed it, “squeezes working families.”Stefanik, meanwhile, brushed off Blakeman as a “weak candidate,” framing his campaign as a gift to Democrats. Her team claims he once cozied up to “corrupt Far Left Democrats”—an attack line aimed less at persuading progressives than neutralizing Republican doubts in the party’s restive base.On the ground in Nassau, politics can twist in odd directions. It’s one of America’s wealthiest, most diverse counties—Democrats outnumber Republicans in registrations, but Trump still managed a win against Kamala Harris here. Blakeman points to that as proof: suburban stretches like his, he insists, hold the key for Republicans hunting statewide relevance.Context, of course, matters. Democrats aren’t immune from internal drama. Lt. Governor Antonio Delgado, an uncommonly polished figure, is testing whether patience is running out with Albany’s current crop of leaders. Whether any of these fights upend the heavy Democratic advantage in the voter rolls remains the $64,000 question.Both Republican contenders claim they can crack the code with moderates—the working families tired of New York’s reputation for taxes, red tape, and headlines about petty crime. Their messaging, in voice if not substance, borrows a good deal from Trump: blunt, kinetic, and hungry for a reaction. Yet beneath the surface, the fight is as much about reclaiming the party’s relevance as it is about actually winning the governor’s office. Since 2006, the GOP has cycled through a lineup of also-rans and longshots, none catching the same flash-in-the-pan spark Pataki discovered.But perhaps a hotly contested, high-wattage Republican primary is exactly what the party needs. These next few months, with debates over identity, loyalty, and suburban priorities, might just provide a jolt of energy to an electorate all too used to the same old script.In Long Island delis and Capitol corridors alike, voters are tuning in—not out. The next round of politicking will offer plenty of theater, some flashes of substance, and, just maybe, a real contest for the keys to New York, a state long presumed off-limits for Republicans. In this cycle, at least, that presumption may not hold.