UAE-Backed STC Seizes South Yemen, Urges Trump’s Support Against Iran

Paul Riverbank, 12/18/2025UAE-backed STC seizes South Yemen, seeks US support, deepening Yemen’s crisis and regional instability.

This is not just another round of boasting. Ahmed Atef, who represents the STC at the US and the United Nations, sharpened his message in a recent interview with Fox News Digital. The STC, according to Atef, is ready to work in lockstep with Washington—taking aim at three of Washington’s perennial enemies: the Iranian-aligned Houthis, various Al-Qaeda offshoots, and the Muslim Brotherhood. In an overt nod to former President Trump, Atef credited him for standing up to the Houthis and put out a call for robust American engagement. “President Trump is very courageous and very strong, and we are really looking forward to his support,” Atef said, openly inviting all forms of US assistance.

To outside observers, it’s hard to ignore the complicated map of modern Yemen. The Houthis — never shy about flying banners denouncing America and Israel — occupy Sanaa and much of the north, drawing on support from Iran and even Hezbollah. The official government, known as the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), finds itself in an awkward position: holding on in the south and east through a patchwork of shifting alliances, often relying on the very STC that’s now loudly flexing its own muscles. In a remarkable twist reflective of Yemen’s tangled politics, the STC’s leader, Aidarous al-Zubaidi, is simultaneously vice president inside the government he’s maneuvering against.

But not everyone is applauding the STC’s newfound assertiveness. The internationally recognized authorities, already stretched thin in Aden, have issued sharp warnings: The STC’s eastern advances risk igniting fresh violence and could unravel what’s left of the fragile southern balance. That’s hardly an idle concern. The Associated Press has already sounded the alarm, recording voices cautioning that unilateral expansion risks toppling the political process altogether.

At the United Nations, Secretary-General António Guterres’s language turned solemn. He spoke of “dangerous new escalation” and the specter of deepening rifts, noting that future instability could extend far beyond Yemen’s borders — touching shipping lanes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, and even drawing in the Horn of Africa if things continue to spiral.

How does the US fit in? That’s far from settled. As Bridget Toomey at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies points out, if Washington were to throw full support behind southern independence, it would be bucking years of stated policy — namely, backing a unified Yemen. But, as Toomey was quick to clarify, there’s more nuance here: The STC’s participation in the recognized government means some collaboration, particularly in counterterrorism and the fight against the Houthis, is not off the table. It’s a diplomatic needle to thread, to say the least.

On the ground, the atmosphere is anything but calm. With Saudi Arabia, long a backer of the government, now pressuring the STC to call off its campaign in the east, there’s a sense that events could tip toward open conflict at any moment. Still, Zubaidi, the STC’s chief, is pressing forward. He’s convinced the south stands “at a critical and existential juncture,” and he’s begun to speak — with growing confidence — about laying the groundwork for a future South Arabian state.

Meanwhile, Atef is taking a hard line: The STC will support any force from the north willing to “re-liberate Sanaa,” and he dismisses any prospects for a negotiated settlement with the Houthis. “It is impossible. We will talk the language that the Houthis understand,” he said, showing little interest in compromise. The Houthis, in his telling, are more than just a local militia; they’re seen as an existential threat far beyond Yemen’s borders, with aggressive slogans and a readiness to disrupt maritime shipping and regional stability.

All of this plays out against a grim backdrop. Daily life in Yemen is dominated by hardship. With two-thirds of the population now reliant on humanitarian aid, infrastructure barely functions. The Aden-based authorities are struggling with economic collapse, lack of oversight, and a logistical nightmare just to deliver basic services, challenges only made worse by the relentless fight against the Houthis.

The press hasn’t escaped the war’s long reach, either. The case of Naseh Shaker, a journalist who vanished after being taken by STC authorities last year, has triggered a groundswell of condemnation from rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch. Calls are intensifying for the STC to open up about Shaker’s fate and curb the pattern of detaining or disappearing journalists and human rights advocates, a pattern that casts further doubt on the promises of peace and stability that the STC makes to the international community.

Despite the rhetoric about aiming for long-term peace, STC officials stress that outside help — especially from Washington — is still the lynchpin for any real progress. “Once we have got this front against the Houthis strengthened and emboldened with the support of the international community and the United States,” said Atef, “that is going to help us very much on the ground to continue our fight and bring stability and peace to the region.”

Anyone watching Yemen for a while knows better than to imagine a tidy or quick resolution. A state of uneasy limbo — shifting power centers, shifting alliances — persists on the ground. The rhetoric may speak of future statehood, but the prospect of renewed civil war looms ever closer, and, as always, it’s the ordinary Yemeni citizen who suffers most. In a country where hope has been battered by years of conflict, stability still seems heartbreakingly out of reach.

Southern Yemen’s political landscape is shifting beneath everyone’s feet. In recent weeks, the Southern Transitional Council (STC), with firm backing from the United Arab Emirates, has thrown down a dramatic challenge: It now claims to oversee all eight regions of the south, from Aden’s busy port to the oil-rich stretches of Hadramout and Mahra.This is not just another round of boasting. Ahmed Atef, who represents the STC at the US and the United Nations, sharpened his message in a recent interview with Fox News Digital. The STC, according to Atef, is ready to work in lockstep with Washington—taking aim at three of Washington’s perennial enemies: the Iranian-aligned Houthis, various Al-Qaeda offshoots, and the Muslim Brotherhood. In an overt nod to former President Trump, Atef credited him for standing up to the Houthis and put out a call for robust American engagement. “President Trump is very courageous and very strong, and we are really looking forward to his support,” Atef said, openly inviting all forms of US assistance.To outside observers, it’s hard to ignore the complicated map of modern Yemen. The Houthis — never shy about flying banners denouncing America and Israel — occupy Sanaa and much of the north, drawing on support from Iran and even Hezbollah. The official government, known as the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), finds itself in an awkward position: holding on in the south and east through a patchwork of shifting alliances, often relying on the very STC that’s now loudly flexing its own muscles. In a remarkable twist reflective of Yemen’s tangled politics, the STC’s leader, Aidarous al-Zubaidi, is simultaneously vice president inside the government he’s maneuvering against.But not everyone is applauding the STC’s newfound assertiveness. The internationally recognized authorities, already stretched thin in Aden, have issued sharp warnings: The STC’s eastern advances risk igniting fresh violence and could unravel what’s left of the fragile southern balance. That’s hardly an idle concern. The Associated Press has already sounded the alarm, recording voices cautioning that unilateral expansion risks toppling the political process altogether.At the United Nations, Secretary-General António Guterres’s language turned solemn. He spoke of “dangerous new escalation” and the specter of deepening rifts, noting that future instability could extend far beyond Yemen’s borders — touching shipping lanes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, and even drawing in the Horn of Africa if things continue to spiral.How does the US fit in? That’s far from settled. As Bridget Toomey at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies points out, if Washington were to throw full support behind southern independence, it would be bucking years of stated policy — namely, backing a unified Yemen. But, as Toomey was quick to clarify, there’s more nuance here: The STC’s participation in the recognized government means some collaboration, particularly in counterterrorism and the fight against the Houthis, is not off the table. It’s a diplomatic needle to thread, to say the least.On the ground, the atmosphere is anything but calm. With Saudi Arabia, long a backer of the government, now pressuring the STC to call off its campaign in the east, there’s a sense that events could tip toward open conflict at any moment. Still, Zubaidi, the STC’s chief, is pressing forward. He’s convinced the south stands “at a critical and existential juncture,” and he’s begun to speak — with growing confidence — about laying the groundwork for a future South Arabian state.Meanwhile, Atef is taking a hard line: The STC will support any force from the north willing to “re-liberate Sanaa,” and he dismisses any prospects for a negotiated settlement with the Houthis. “It is impossible. We will talk the language that the Houthis understand,” he said, showing little interest in compromise. The Houthis, in his telling, are more than just a local militia; they’re seen as an existential threat far beyond Yemen’s borders, with aggressive slogans and a readiness to disrupt maritime shipping and regional stability.All of this plays out against a grim backdrop. Daily life in Yemen is dominated by hardship. With two-thirds of the population now reliant on humanitarian aid, infrastructure barely functions. The Aden-based authorities are struggling with economic collapse, lack of oversight, and a logistical nightmare just to deliver basic services, challenges only made worse by the relentless fight against the Houthis.The press hasn’t escaped the war’s long reach, either. The case of Naseh Shaker, a journalist who vanished after being taken by STC authorities last year, has triggered a groundswell of condemnation from rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch. Calls are intensifying for the STC to open up about Shaker’s fate and curb the pattern of detaining or disappearing journalists and human rights advocates, a pattern that casts further doubt on the promises of peace and stability that the STC makes to the international community.Despite the rhetoric about aiming for long-term peace, STC officials stress that outside help — especially from Washington — is still the lynchpin for any real progress. “Once we have got this front against the Houthis strengthened and emboldened with the support of the international community and the United States,” said Atef, “that is going to help us very much on the ground to continue our fight and bring stability and peace to the region.”Anyone watching Yemen for a while knows better than to imagine a tidy or quick resolution. A state of uneasy limbo — shifting power centers, shifting alliances — persists on the ground. The rhetoric may speak of future statehood, but the prospect of renewed civil war looms ever closer, and, as always, it’s the ordinary Yemeni citizen who suffers most. In a country where hope has been battered by years of conflict, stability still seems heartbreakingly out of reach.